By Dean McSweeney, John E. Owens (eds.)
An electoral earthquake hit the yank political panorama in 1994. because the Republican celebration received keep an eye on of the home of Representatives for the 1st time considering 1954 and regulate of the Senate for the 1st time on the grounds that 1986, the longest uninterrupted interval of unmarried social gathering rule within the whole historical past of the U.S. Congress got here to an finish. the hot congressional majorities have been the main conservative in 50 years and instantly proceeded to dominate the political time table in Washington. students from Britain and the us rfile those momentous advancements, comparing their impression on America's political associations and political tradition and their importance for the longer term improvement of yank politics and government.
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Crime and punishment, achievement and opportunity, family support and traditional values, and, yes, the character of political life too: those were among the touchstones on this dimension. • Alternatively, if they read their mandate as basically economic, having to do with the distribution of material goods in American society, they were at risk of being gone as quickly as, say, the 1946 Republican Congress. Taxation, including its progressivity and its exemptions; social welfare, including social insurance and compensatory incentives; economic growth, including its rate and its location: those were touchstones for this alternative dimension.
Republicans' stratagem was an unequivocal attack on committee autonomy and power- and freely recognised to be so. 'We're trying to get away from the idea that all these committees are fiefdoms over which the chairmen have complete control and are jealous of each others' prerogatives,' a Gingrich ally explained. 21 And to cap central leaders' insistence that committee chairs promote the party's agenda, House rules were changed to comply with Conference rules, which imposed six-year term limits on chairs' tenure.
1994 IN THE FRAMEWORK The mid-term election of 1994 is superficially a challenge to this scenario. It has the 'wrong' partisan mix, contributing a Republican Congress to a Democratic presidency; it is not therefore obvious that it does not have the 'wrong' issue associations as well. Either this challenge is sustained, then, and this framework too falls away, or 1994 can be shown to be only superficially inconsistent, so that the underlying bases of continuity actually strengthen the framework.