By Branko Banovi?

The Montenegrin Warrior culture analyzes identification debates that experience built within the Montenegrin public in regards to the query of Montenegro's accession to NATO and explores how narratives created for that objective, in most cases consultant of "culture wars", were associated with Montenegrin identification, historical past, and Montenegrin masculinity.

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The latter concept focuses on the inconsistent relationship toward tradition in political and public life, which is particularly prominent in times of important events or election campaigns (Billig 2002 [1995]; Naumović 2009). All of this leads to the question of authority of the anthropologist writing on the tradition to which she belongs. So, if we begin from the position that the past is constructed according to the conditions and desires of those who produce texts in the present (Friedman 1992; Linnekin 1983), then one of the central questions concerns the discursive authority of the scientist working on a given 22 THE MONTENEGRIN WARRIOR TRADITION phenomena.

This means that if we start by researching traditional Montenegrin masculinity from the standpoint of narratives about the past, the result of our research will necessarily be a modell (and not only a model, but most often the highest representation of the model, to boot). This model will contain a very large number of imputations and interpretations, and will significantly deviate from real past life. That is, in creating a model of traditional Montenegrin masculinity, for a moment we will have to forget contemporary theories of masculinity, which speak about multiple masculinities, deviations from gender roles, and the impossibility of reaching given ideals.

Members of the gay population referenced their sexuality. African Americans always placed “black” atop the list describing their identities. No heterosexual person put down their sexual orientation among the top ten words, and no man wrote down the word “man” as describing his identity (Kimmel 2005, Preface X). The second difficulty concerns the representational capacity of ethnographic material used for the research. The data gathered by various national researchers during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries has, itself, the characteristics of a construct.

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