By A. H. Brown (auth.)

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Though their main conclusions have much in common, there are also certain marked differences of emphasis. It is not the least of the merits of the writings of Fainsod and Schapiro that they go a long way towards providing the individual reader with the requisite knowledge to reach his own · informed judgement in such cases. Fainsod and Schapiro differ somewhat in their interpretations of the degree of institutional allegiance which occurred during the period of Stalin's ascendancy. Fainsod, for instance, argues : As Stalinism entered its mature phase of totalitarian development, its institutional characteristics tended ~o harden.

123 This is very probable, but the 'kulak' solution to the Soviet agricultural problem was not unconnected with problems of political power as well as with ideology. Arguably, in a still predominantly peasant country, a policy of allowing the rich peasants to become richer and of allowing private farming to develop might have consolidated a social class with 'petit bourgeois' attitudes who could have posed a threat to the stability of the regime or, at any rate, to the undisputed hegemony of the Communist Party.

A much more important distinction is between those modes of analysis, on the one hand, and the legal-institutional, on the other. The most obvious examples of legal-institutional studies of the Soviet political system are to be found in some of the works of Soviet scholars. 143 This is not to deny that there are pressures for a less legalistic political science in the Soviet Union. On the contrary, in an important article published in Pravda three months after the fall of Khrushchev, a Russian professor of philosophy, F.

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