By P N Holtrop; C H Slechte
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There is no need to emphasize the necessarily schematic character of these pages. In order to allow for easy reference, I follow the chapters of the book in the four sections of this article. -I. Marrou, Décadence romaine ou antiquité tardive? III e–IV e siècle, Paris 1977. For Marrou, the new religiosity constituted the main originality of Late Antiquity. R. Dodds, Pagan and Christian in an Age of Anxiety: Some Aspects of Religious Experience from Marcus Aurelius to Constantine, Cambridge 1965.
Freudenthal, Hellenistische Studien, Breslau 1874–75; see also Grafton, ‘Jacob Bernays, Joseph Scaliger, and others’, 33. 28 L. Baeck, ‘Griechische und jüdische Predigt’, Sonderabdruck from Bericht der Lehranstalt für die Wissenschaft des Judentums, Berlin 1914, 8. , 9. indd 16 3/5/2008 8:43:14 PM ‘judenthum’, ‘griechenthum’ and ‘christenthum’ 17 With the departure from the idealistic paradigm, scholars finally relinquished the notion of one-way traffic between Greek and Jewish culture. Starting with historians like Elias Bickerman (1897–1981), Jewish scholars began to postulate a more dynamic role for Greek culture, henceforth judging it a vital factor in the restructuring of Judaism.
The platform offered by medieval Islam was precisely the platform he and other GermanJewish intellectuals were craving. It was the arena where they hoped to achieve, through geisteswissenschaftliche Studien, the civic emancipation the German Jews had long been anticipating, and would continue to anticipate for some decades. As Zunz so passionately believed, ‘die Gleichstellung der Juden . . [würde] aus der Gleichstellung der Wissenschaft des Judentums hervorgehen’. 22 If Zunz strove for Jewish equality, he wanted it formally acknowledged.