By Richard H. Immerman

How may well the U.S., a state based at the ideas of liberty and equality, have produced Abu Ghraib, torture memos, Plamegate, and warrantless wiretaps? Did the United States got down to develop into an empire? And if this is the case, how has it reconciled its imperialism--and every so often, its crimes--with the assumption of liberty so forcefully expressed within the assertion of Independence? Empire for Liberty tells the tale of fellows who used the rhetoric of liberty to additional their imperial goals, and divulges that the search for empire has guided the nation's architects from the very beginning--and maintains to take action today.

Historian Richard Immerman paints nuanced pictures of six unprecedented public figures who obviously prompted the process American empire: Benjamin Franklin, John Quincy Adams, William Henry Seward, Henry Cabot hotel, John Foster Dulles, and Paul Wolfowitz. each one performed a pivotal function as empire builder and, apart from Adams, did so with out occupying the presidency. Taking readers from the founding of the republic to the worldwide struggle on Terror, Immerman indicates how each one individual's effect arose from a prepared sensitivity to the troubles of his instances; how the trajectory of yank empire used to be relentless if no longer directly; and the way those clever and robust contributors formed their rhetoric approximately liberty to fit their needs.

But as Immerman demonstrates during this well timed and provocative e-book, liberty and empire have been on a collision direction. And within the international struggle on Terror and the career of Iraq, they violently collided.

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On the one hand, although not as avid a speculator as, for example, George Washington or his own son William (by then the governor of New Jersey), Franklin was not “a playful or disinterested student” of what was taking place. He had speculative land interests of his own, particularly in the Ohio River Valley. On the other hand, he had the official responsibility of looking out for the interests of Pennsylvania. Because it did not possess formal claims to the western lands, Pennsylvania was at a disadvantage relative to those colonies that did—notably, Virginia.

Yet Lodge charted a course independent of each of them. He exercised his power from Congress. Lodge was as complex as he was powerful, as intellectual as he was political. He represents the conventional “realist” perspective on 18 Introduction America’s empire and its relationship to the global constellation of great powers. ” In the end Lodge’s defeat of Wilson resulted in the antithesis of his prescriptions. America’s interwar “Empire without Tears” arose from a foundation of trade, loans, missionaries, and movie moguls.

31 For the first time Franklin now considered the possibility of fissure within the empire. He did not predict a break to occur soon. Still, his notions about the dynamics of empire and the competition among empires drove him to identify a most disturbing trend. Franklin agreed that the colonies should pay their fair share for the war and their continued security. But he vigorously objected to the sentiment in Parliament that they were freeloading, and more fundamentally, that they felt “safe” in opposing the British because they no longer needed to share the continent with the French.

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